在接受法新社采访时,维吾尔教授、维吾尔在线创建者伊力哈木•土赫提(Ilham Tohti)直言不讳地表示,中共政府“胡萝卜加大棒”的经济发展政策和严厉的管控措施令维吾尔人感到失望。他说,国家的对疆政策只让大批涌入新疆的汉族移民受益,而800万(译者注:《根据新疆统计年鉴》2009,2008年末新疆维吾尔族总人口为9831760人),维吾尔人在自己的故乡日益被边缘化。“新疆的局势对维吾尔人而言在持续恶化”,40岁的伊力哈木•土赫提在位于中国北京民族大学校园的家里如是说。在这所大学,虽然有人监视,他还是定期会举办以维吾尔族和经济为主题的讲座。“在这样的风气下,很难让维汉两族、移民者与当地人走到一起,这是一个巨大的问题,但是政府显然没有提出相应的计划。”
信仰伊斯兰教、操突厥语的新疆维吾尔人声称,在紧邻中亚的新疆的大片区域里,本民族的政治、宗教信仰和文化权益受到当局数十年的压制。他们的愤怒终于在2009年7月5日爆发,维吾尔暴徒野蛮地袭击汉族人。官方称此次事件导致近200人死亡、1700多人受伤。当时,作为维吾尔人的高级知识分子,伊力哈木•土赫提被安全部门拘禁近6周时间。当局以煽动骚乱之名关闭了他创办的维吾尔在线网站,该网站主要批评中共政府的对疆政策并积极提倡维汉和解。在国内,该网站虽然还在被封锁,但是伊力哈木•土赫提利用国外的服务器重新开放了它。即使当局会定期干预,他还是恢复了在学校的讲座。他说他非常注意遣词造句以免激怒当局。
4月,中共政府对在疆实行铁腕政策长达15年的党委书记王乐泉予以免职,并称会提高当地人民的生活水平。但是“除了宣传之外,没有发生任何实质的变化”,伊力哈木•土赫提用流利的普通话说道。他说,经济的增长,即便让维吾尔人受益,已无法让寻求真正自治的人民感到满意,“这就好比头疼的人去医院看病,医生却给他开了治脚痛的药一样。”“我们需要经济生活,但我们也需要文化生活,我们需要被尊重”。他认为,中共政府首先需要停止践踏自己制定的法律,尤其是承认新疆为“维吾尔自治区”的相关法律。他说“自治区”的称号只停留在纸面上,新疆实际上是在中共的管控之下。
避免激进的手段,维吾尔人应该利用中国的法律寻求改变,“没有别的路可走”他补充道。出于这个目的,他将《民族区域自治法》翻译成了维吾尔文,通过电子版和印刷版发给在疆的读者们,他认为维吾尔人必须首先冲破无知的枷锁。“问题?我们不知道自己的问题所在,我们不知道自己的权利,我们也不知道如何维护自己的权利。当下最迫切的任务是教育我们的人民并且传播知识”他说。除了教育之外,还有生育问题。他鼓励作为少数民族的所有维吾尔人,利用自己的合法权益多生育子女,这是扩大本民族声音的一种途径。然而在中共政府以海外势力利用网络煽动闹事者为借口,切断当地网络之后,这种声音变得极其微弱。虽然在5月份当局表示解除网络管控,但是据伊力哈木•土赫提介绍,目前仍有至少80个维吾尔语网站无法登录。
新疆的安全管控变得更为严厉,他补充道。当土耳其同胞指责中国的行径时,许多维吾尔人都为之振奋。伊力哈木•土赫提则认为维吾尔人不应该把希望寄托在他们身上。他说土耳其无意就此问题挑战日益强盛的中共政府,维吾尔人不应该指望海外势力。针对大批维吾尔人确信中共政府不会提供真正的文化和政治自治,他回应道“我只能说,让我们静待以观之”。
原文:
China's Xinjiang seethes a year after riots: Uighur activist
y Staff Writers
Beijing (AFP) June 13, 2010
One year after deadly riots in China's Xinjiang, Beijing has reaffirmed policies that have angered Muslims in the region, raising the specter of further unrest, a top Uighur activist said.
In an interview with AFP, Ilham Tohti � an outspoken professor, blogger and member of the Muslim Uighur minority -- said China's "carrot and stick" pairing of economic development with tight security controls had failed Uighurs. It has instead benefited members of China's majority Han ethnicity who are flooding into the region, while Xinjiang's eight million Uighurs are becoming further marginalised in their ancient homeland, with no end in sight, he said. "The situation for Uighurs in Xinjiang is increasingly bad," Tohti, 40, said in his modest flat on the campus of Beijing's Minzu University of China, where he lectures -- under watchful eyes -- on economics and Uighur issues. "In this climate, it is very hard to bring together Uighurs and Han, immigrants and locals. This is a huge problem but the government has come up with no plan for it." Xinjiang's Uighurs -- a Muslim, Turkic-speaking people -- have for decades alleged Chinese political, religious and cultural oppression in the vast region abutting Central Asia. Their anger erupted on July 5 last year when Uighur rioters savagely attacked Han in the capital Urumqi, leaving nearly 200 people dead and up to 1,700 injured, according to official figures. Amid the unrest, Tohti -- perhaps the top Uighur activist within China -- disappeared into police custody for six weeks. Authorities also shut down his Uighur Online website -- which criticised government policy in Xinjiang while advocating Han-Uighur understanding -- alleging it was fuelling the unrest. Tohti has since relaunched the site on an overseas server, though it remains blocked in China, and has resumed his lectures despite periodic interference by the authorities. He says he carefully measures his words to prevent provoking the authorities. In April, China's government removed Xinjiang's unpopular hardline Communist Party boss, Wang Lequan, who had held the post for nearly 15 years, and pledged to raise living standards in the region. But "nothing has really changed. Only the propaganda has changed," said the diminutive, chain-smoking Tohti, speaking fluent Mandarin. Economic growth alone -- even if it did benefit Uighurs -- cannot appease a people with centuries of history and culture who seek true autonomy, he said. "It's as if someone went to a pharmacy with a headache and they gave them medicine for foot pain," said Tohti, an animated figure who punctuates his points with wry smirks, raised eyebrows, and heavy sighs. "We need an economic life but we also need a cultural life. We need respect," he said. First, he said, China must stop flouting its own laws to oppress Uighurs -- especially the law making Xinjiang a "Uighur Autonomous Region". The designation exists only on paper, he said, with the Beijing-dominated Communist Party in control. Eschewing radicalism, Tohti says Uighurs must seek change through Chinese law, adding: "There is no other way out." To this end he has translated the autonomy law into Uighur, distributing it electronically and via printed copies through a network of supporters in Xinjiang, and arguing that Uighurs must break their own shackles of ignorance. "The problem? We don't understand our own problem. We don't understand our own rights. We don't understand how to protect our rights. The most pressing task is to cultivate our people and spread knowledge," he said. Besides education, there is the issue of procreation. Tohti urges all Uighurs to take advantage of their legal right, as an ethnic minority, to have more than one child as a way of magnifying their voice. Yet that voice has been stifled since the riots, he said, as China shut down Xinjiang's Internet access during the unrest, saying instigators were using it to foment violence. The government touted the lifting of those restrictions in May as a return to normalcy but Tohti said at least 80 Uighur sites that were accessible before the riots remained blocked.
Security in Xinjiang has become draconian, he adds. Many Uighurs were buoyed when ethnic cousin Turkey criticised China's handling of the unrest. But Tohti calls that misplaced, saying Turkey is unlikely to challenge a rising, economically powerful China on the issue and that Uighurs cannot expect overseas help. What does he tell the many Uighurs convinced that China will never allow true cultural and political autonomy? "I can only say, let us wait and see," he said.
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